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ASHCROFT STONEWALLS /
Bush Didn't Order Any Breach of Torture Laws, Ashcroft Says / By NEIL A. LEWIS
WASHINGTON, June 8 — Attorney General John Ashcroft, whose subordinates
have written confidential legal memorandums saying the administration is not
bound by prohibitions against torture, told a Senate committee on Tuesday that
President Bush had "made no order that would require or direct the violation" of
either international treaties or domestic laws prohibiting torture.
Appearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee, Mr. Ashcroft was questioned
about a cascade of recently disclosed memorandums in which lawyers from his department
as well as those from the Defense Department and other agencies provided legal
arguments that inflicting pain in interrogating people detained in the fight
against terrorism did not always constitute torture.
In heated exchanges with Democrats on the committee, Mr. Ashcroft refused to
provide several of the memorandums, saying they amounted to confidential legal
advice given to the president and did not have to be shared with Congress.
For the nearly three hours of Mr. Ashcroft's appearance, the committee room became
the stage for a debate that has ranged across all three branches of the government
since the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, about the proper reach of a president's
power in wartime.
Senator Edward M. Kennedy, a Massachusetts Democrat who is a committee member,
challenged Mr. Ashcroft on his unwillingness to release the memorandums and said
that the reported abuses of Iraqi prisoners at the Abu Ghraib prison were the
inevitable outcome of the administration's efforts to find ways to evade legal
responsibility.
Mr. Kennedy cited one of the memorandums reported in newspapers on Tuesday that
concluded President Bush was not bound either by international treaties prohibiting
torture or by federal anti-torture law because as commander-in-chief Mr. Bush
was responsible for protecting the nation.
"
In other words, the president of the United States has the responsibility," Mr.
Kennedy said, holding up a photograph of prisoners cowering before American guards
and dogs at Abu Ghraib. "We know when we have these kinds of orders, what
happens. We get the stress test, we get the use of dogs, we get the forced
nakedness that we've all seen on these and we get the hooding. This is what
you get with
those kind of memoranda out there."
The administration has responded to the memorandums by saying they were merely
legal opinions offered as policies were being formulated.
"
First of all," Mr. Ashcroft said, "this administration opposes torture," adding
that the "kind of atrocities displayed in the photographs are being prosecuted
by this administration."
Mr. Ashcroft strove to make a distinction between memorandums that may have provided
theoretical legal justifications for torture and his assertion that there had
never been any directive that actually authorized its use.
But the memorandums, by their numbers and their arguments — aimed at justifying
the use of interrogation techniques inflicting pain by spelling out instances
when this did not legally constitute torture and the inapplicability of international
treaties — have produced outrage from international human rights groups
and members of Congress, mostly Democrats.
Over the past few weeks, The New York Times, Newsweek, The Washington Post and
The Wall Street Journal have disclosed memorandums that show a pattern in which
administration lawyers set about devising arguments to avoid constraints against
mistreatment and torture.
Mr. Ashcroft's appearance before the committee had been scheduled before most
of the memorandums were disclosed, and he looked deeply uncomfortable under the
harsh questioning.
He said several times that critics consistently failed to take into account that
the United States was at war.
Mr. Kennedy challenged Mr. Ashcroft, telling him he could not withhold the memorandums
from Congress unless there was an invocation of executive privilege, something
only the president himself can do. Mr. Ashcroft seemed uncertain when he was
asked if he had spoken to the president about invoking it.
He eventually said he was not invoking the privilege but that it was simply not
good policy to openly debate what powers a president had in wartime.
Senator Joseph R. Biden Jr., Democrat of Delaware, in a heated exchange
with Mr. Ashcroft, asked him if he believed torture was ever justified. When
he
first declined to answer, Mr. Biden accused him of being evasive, and Mr. Ashcroft
replied: "You know I condemn torture. I don't think it's productive, let
alone justified."
But Mr. Biden persisted, saying: "There's a reason why we sign
these treaties: to protect my son in the military. That's why we have these
treaties,
so when
Americans are captured they are not tortured. That's the reason in case anybody
forgets it."
One of the recently published memorandums, dated March 6, 2003, provides
elaborate and tightly constructed definitions of torture in an effort to
to allow interrogators
to avoid being charged with that offense. For example, if an interrogator "knows
that severe pain will result from his actions, if causing such harm is not his
objective, he lacks the requisite specific intent even though the defendant did
not act in good faith," the report said. "Instead, a defendant is
guilty of torture only if he acts with the express purpose of inflicting severe
pain
or suffering on a person within his control."
Another memorandum, written in August 2002 and disclosed Tuesday by The Washington
Post, appeared to establish a basis for the use of torture for senior Al Qaeda
operatives in custody of the C.I.A. That memorandum was written by Jay S. Bybee,
then the associate attorney general. Mr. Bybee, now a federal appeals court judge
in California, did not respond to telephone messages.
Mr. Ashcroft said proof that the administration was opposed to torture in practice,
despite any legal memorandums, could be seen in the establishment of a task force
to prosecute charges of abuse against United States contractors and soldiers.
While most Republican committee members defended Mr. Ashcroft, Senator Larry
Craig, an Idaho Republican, told Mr. Ashcroft that he was disturbed by the growing
power of the executive branch.
"
I hope that in the end," Mr. Craig said, "Saddam Hussein will not
have taken away from us something that our Constitution, in large part, granted
us,
and that we have it taken away in the name of safety and security."
Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company